Theses and Dissertations

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The rise of 'violent Non-State actors’ in South Africa: an analysis of the Taxi industry in the Eastern Cape Province
(University Of Fort Hare, 2024) Mato, Myalezo https://orcid.org/0009-0006-5905-5390; Ferim, V; Last name, First name
This study investigated the rise of ‘violent-non state actors’ in South Africa, with specific focus on the taxi industry in the Eastern Cape Province. Contemporary South Africa has been a playground for violent non-state actors often evidenced by sporadic service delivery protests and gun violence in public spaces. Many authors attribute these to the failure of the state to provide public services such as security, water, employment, etc. Amongst these non-state actors, are taxi associations called mother-bodies. The deregulation of the taxi industry by the then apartheid government in 1987 resulted in the exponential inflow of previously oppressed black people into the taxi industry, which had now become the most accessible form of informal business for previously disadvantaged people. This resulted in the formation of many mother-bodies that subsequently became ‘law unto themselves’ due to the absence of formal state regulation amongst other things. Since then, violent conflicts amongst these mother-bodies have become the order of the day. The study sought to determine the commuter’s perspectives about the taxi industry and violence in the Eastern Cape Province, to determine ways in which the taxi industry has challenged the monopoly of the state over the legitimate use of force and to explore the reasons why taxi violence has largely gone unchecked by the state. Part of the key findings of the study were that there is a general sense of fear and insecurity amongst commuters especially female commuters who use taxis. Various cases of sexual assault, intimidation and psychological traumas caused by exposure to violence amongst commuters have been reported. It has also been determined that in order to effectively challenge the monopoly of the state over the legitimate use force, some taxi operators have resorted to the use of self-created laws to intimidate their competitors, use of mafia-like tactics, extortion and coercion amongst other things in order to impose monopoly over some lucrative routes, individuals and associations. In resolving some of these challenges, the study inter alia recommends for the formalization of the taxi industry by government, which will result in the subsidisation of the industry.,Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2024
MYALEZO MATO THESIS.pdf
Busisiwe Ngcobo
MYALEZO MATO THESIS.pdf
Busisiwe Ngcobo
The nexus between petroleum energy security and South Africa’s foreign policy
(University of Fort Hare, 2022) Seshibedi S S; Ferim, Valery; Last name, First name
This study sets out to explore the nexus between South Africa’s petroleum energy security and its foreign policy. The specific objectives of the research include: to find out the state of South Africa’s oil energy security, the extent to which oil is a consideration in the development of the country’s foreign policy and the extent to which its foreign policy is framed to favour oil exporting states. Qualitative research methodology is applied in this study with the Realism as the theoretical framework. The study found out that the state of South Africa’s oil energy security, which compels the country to rely on foreign oil, provides grounds for foreign policy intervention, with discernible espousal of relations with oil exporting states that is different to those that do not produce oil. The study also found that oil is a consideration in the development of South Africa’s foreign policy, as the country’s policy strategy towards oil exporting states is to build relations of bilateral nature, through diplomatic instruments, among others. South Africa’s regional politics makes discernible the fact that South Africa prefers a policy of multilateralism to manage its relations with SADC and SACU members who are not oil exporting, while evidence showed that bilateral relations are preferred towards oil exporting states. The study recommends amongst others, that South Africa’s over-reliance on foreign oil can be mitigated by taking the lead in transitioning to renewable energy.,Thesis (MSoc) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2022
Interpreting structural polarization in Zimbabwean electoral politics since 1980
(University of Fort Hare, 2022-11) Munhuweyi, kenneth Takudzwa; Magure, Booker; Last name, First name
The study presents the structural polarization that characterized Zimbabwe’s postindependence electoral politics from 1980. Existing literature on the same phenomenon of polarization is both fragmented and inconsistent. Nevertheless, this study traced the history of Zimbabwean polarization to the pre-colonial and colonial periods to ascertain the reality of post-independence polarization. The postindependence of Zimbabwe under the Mugabe and Mnangagwa administrations, the ZANU-PF ruling party, was marked by political repression and restriction in electoral politics -a stealth authoritarian practice. In line with earlier studies, this research suggested that Zimbabwe is far from being an institutionalized democracy, given the dearth of electoral democratic qualities, the rule of law- and constitutional subversion. Zimbabwe has had a series of elections under monitoring and evaluation by local and international observers. The electoral observers’ reports and verdicts remain crucial in any given election and require scrutiny to determine their credibility and legitimacy. In 2018, Mnangagwa opened a doorway for international electoral monitoring/observation, previously closed by Mugabe in 2002. While recognizing Mnangagwa’s democratic aspirations, the 2017 post-coup was laced with political repression and 2018 post-election judicial verdict bias. There have been democratic transitioning impediments due to the ZANU-PF party’s centralized state institutions and militarized state capture –typical of a bureaucratic authoritarian regime. With the ZANU-PF party’s competitive authoritarianism in Zimbabwe, the thesis presented the prospects of the Citizens Coalition for Change opposition political parties’ -office seeking coalition building -aiming at maximizing electoral outcomes towards power changing and electoral reforms.,Thesis (MSoc) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2022
MACIKO MIHLE DISSERTATION.pdf
Busisiwe
Humanitarian intervention in conflict management in Africa: selected case study analysis of Sudan and Libya
(University of Fort Hare, 2015-04) Muruviwa, Tapiwa Gladmore; Ferim, V; Last name, First name
The study investigates the effectiveness of humanitarian intervention as a strategy in conflict management in Africa drawing from case studies in Sudan and Libya. The research utilized an interaction of both primary and secondary data sources. Primary sources used are African Union (AU) official reports, United Nations Security Council (UNSC) official reports as well as official International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) reports. Secondary sources used include journal articles, newspapers, books and other online publications. Among others, the study found out that humanitarian intervention in Sudan by the AU from 2004 until 2006 lacked the capacity and political will to effectively manage the conflict. At the same time, an analysis of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization‟s (NATO) military intervention in Libya in 2011 reveals that western-led interventions in Africa are often driven by geostrategic interests rather than the need to save people in danger. Against this backdrop, the study recommends amongst others that the AU should have a capacitated standby-force that will rapidly respond to manage conflicts in Africa. Also, UN peacekeeping operations in Africa should be coordinated by the African Union.,Thesis (MSoc) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2015
The rise and fall of long serving African leaders: a comparative analysis of Libya and Zimbabwe
(University of Fort Hare, 2022-10) Maciko, Mihle https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5091-4949; Ferim, V; Last name, First name
Africa has recently faced a wave of dethroning of long serving leaders after many years of these leaders being in power. Some of the names which have been victims to this wave include Muammar Gaddafi, Omar Al Bashir, and Robert Mugabe. This study aims to examine this new wave as to the reasons behind it and what it means for existing long serving leaders in Africa. It will study the rise to power of Muammar Gaddafi and Robert Mugabe and what led to their demise, as hopes of providing advice to remaining dictators on how they can consolidate power so that they do not suffer the same fate as those already dethroned. A qualitative study has been carried out using secondary sources for data collection, to study this wave. From the data analysed, it showed that these leaders rose through ways of good governance and progressive economic policies. Various tactics were used to consolidate power, some being aggressive while others were aligned with democratic principles. These tactics are explained using two theories: informational theory of authoritarianism and theory of revolution. The data also pointed out that these methods eventually proved to be fuelling a fire of revolt amongst citizens, who found themselves in unbearable situations, eventually removing Gaddafi and Mugabe from power. This study provided lessons to existing long-serving leaders of having respect for human rights, being able to adapt with democracy and prioritising the welfare and wellbeing of their citizens. This is to ensure they do not suffer the same fate as Muammar Gaddafi and Robert Mugabe.,Thesis (MSoc) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2022
Hegemon and handmaiden: a neo-gramscian approach to South Africa’s position in the global political economy
(University of Fort Hare, 2020) Koza, Zintle; Johnson, P; Surname, Firstnames
Despite its assumed leadership of and investment in the African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), South Africa has not developed its own hegemonic project and is consequently unable to exert significant influence over the ideas of the two institutions. Rooted in Antonio Gramsci’s absolute historicism, which locates decisions and actions at the level of the state within specific contexts, Robert Cox’s Method of Historical Structures (MHS) offers a framework that enables an approach informed by Critical Theory to analysing and empirically understanding the underlying factors of this situation. Utilising the three elements of the MHS, namely, material capabilities, ideas and institutions, and applying them to the context of international relations, it was found that South Africa’s choices have been informed by the global context of the post-USSR global arena it entered in 1990. The triumph of the neoliberal world order led by the United States framed the context of South Africa’s engagement with Africa and the world, with its choices informed by a composite of neoliberally defined global social relations of production and ideas that had already elicited global consent. South Africa’s organisation of material capabilities and resources was thus limited within the parameters of a neoliberal world order, and the predominance of institutions that facilitated the penetration of neoliberalism, regionally and globally. The global hegemonic order relies on surrogates for its functioning and South Africa’s subsequent domestic adherence to the hegemonic neoliberal order has been transferred to SADC and, to a limited extent, to the AU through the policies and institutional projects that South Africa has championed since 1994. Nonetheless, in the face of persistent inequality and poverty, internal contestation to this adherence has emanated from trade unions and civil society organisations. It was found that the continued and intensifying domestic contestation iii reinforces the lack of a domestic hegemonic project that could have been projected externally to SADC and the AU, so that South Africa, as a dominant peripheral state in the global world order, displays more characteristics of handmaiden than hegemon.
‘The Perceptions of Marginalization by the Ndebele people and its Impact on the Socio-Political Economy of Zimbabwe. A Case of Bulawayo
(University of Fort Hare, 2020) Ndlovu, Bekithemba; Ferim, Valery B; Surname, Firstnames
The study set out to investigate the perceptions of marginalisation by the Ndebele people and its impact on the socio-political economy of Bulawayo. The study is based on both primary and secondary sources of data. In-depth interviews, focus group discussions and questionnaires formed the main sources of primary data. A review of journal articles and books were the main sources of secondary data. The study found out that perceptions of marginalisation among the study group were attributed to lack of employment, poor services, and history of violence, among others. The findings also reveal that the impact of perceived marginalisation of the Ndebele people include rise in levels of crime, abandonment of language, emigration and radicalism. The study recommends the decentralization of the Zimbabwean government and a national dialogue on the Gukurahundi
The Role of the Mnquma Local Municipality in Addressing Xenophobic Tensions between Foreign Shop Owners and Local Community Members in South Africa: A case study of Butterworth; 2010-2012
(University of Fort Hare, 2020) Ndinisa, Sibongile; Ferim, Valery B; Surname, Firstnames
The study examines the role played by the Mnquma Local municipality in addressing xenophobic violence in Butterworth between 2010 and 2012 and subsequent sporadic tensions. The study also examines the causes as well as the sporadic recurrence of xenophobic tensions between foreign shop owners and local community members in Butterworth. Due to the nature of the study, ethnographic fieldwork was considered the most practical and suitable method in getting necessary responses regarding the study. The data collection instruments used were in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. Participants comprised 15 foreign shop owners, 15 local community members. In addition, three interviews were conducted with relevant Mnquma Local Municipality officials who had been involved in addressing xenophobic tensions in Butterworth. In order to understand the dynamics of xenophobic tensions in Butterworth, the study employed two theories; the Scapegoating theory and Relative Deprivation theory. The study established that the causes of xenophobic tensions were largely due to the poor socio-economic situation in the Mnquma Municipality, which resulted in high rates of poverty, unemployment and competition for resources and business opportunities. Furthermore, misinformation on media platforms about foreign nationals and the inadequate opportunities for interaction also exacerbated tensions. Moreover, it was uncovered that the Mnquma Local Municipality did not have effective mechanisms to address xenophobic tensions. The study recommends that the municipality addresses service delivery needs of both locals and foreign nationals as this will create a safe and peaceful environment for foreign nationals to coexist with locals in Butterworth. x The study further urges the Mnquma Local Municipality to formulate an antixenophobia unit that can detect and combat any sign of xenophobia in all communities in Butterworth.
Patriarchy and the participation of women in Zimbabwean national politics: a study of selected women Politicians in Matabeleland Region
(University of Fort Hare, 2019) Manyevere, Sithabile; Ferim, Valery B; Surname, Firstnames
The research sought to analyse how patriarchal perceptions have affected women in Zimbabwean national politics with specific focus on women politicians in Matabeleland region. The researcher observed that women politicians in this region seem to face multiple oppressions and yet seem to have been excluded in previous studies. The mixed method approach was adopted for the research. Questionnaires were used for the quantitative method, while key informant interviews and focus group discussions were utilised for the qualitative method. Findings from the survey revealed stereotypical perceptions such as that men are better leaders than women, women are not capable of holding decision making positions and the perception that politics is not safe for women. The findings from the key informants indicate that women politicians in Matabeleland face quite a number of challenges emanating from these patriarchal perceptions. The challenges include violence, humiliation and cultural stigmatization. Although women have attempted to resist patriarchy, it seems that the resistance has not been enough to eliminate the patriarchal mentality and the oppressions that accompany it. The research adopts a combination of feminist and intersectionality theory as a framework for analysis of the problem under investigation. The research potentially contributes to academic discourse by advancing literature on the multi-faceted aspects of patriarchy. The study recommends psychological and financial empowerment of women, electoral reforms and criminalization of offenders. The implementation of proper reforms and corrective measures envisage the long-awaited new dawn among women whom since time memorial, have been suppressed by deep-seated societal and patriarchal beliefs.
Hegemonic conceptualisations of contestation in the Middle East: a case study of Iraq
(University of Fort Hare, 200) Kwitshi, Aviwe; Johnson, P; Surname, Firstnames
This dissertation illustrated how the production of discourse defining ‘terrorism’ evolved after the emergence of the United States as hegemon, a position that enabled it to develop meaning narratives to arrive at discursive constructs that were selfrewarding, in that they justified its invasion of Iraq in 2003. This study was able to analyse the construction of the ‘war on terror’ discourse used about the Middle East (ME) as a result of the US hegemonic position, using both Gramsci’s analysis of discourse and Foucault’s concepts of power relations. Gramsci proposes the production of discourses through the concept of ’hegemony’. On the other hand, for Foucault (1980: 93), ‘‘relations of power cannot in themselves be established, consolidated nor implemented without the production, accumulation, circulation and functioning of a discourse’’. This study focuses on the period after World War II, drawing on events in the Middle East, in particular Iraq, and examining the influence of the US in the region during this period. In addition, this study addresses the conceptualisation of ‘terrorism’ and discourse around this phenomenon as a function of power and a generally accepted outcome of the exercise of hegemony. The study illustrates how power works through discourse based on Foucault’s conceptualisation of the relationship between power and discourse, and the hegemon’s intention of utilising its discursive power in shaping the views and actions of others.
Elections as Drivers of Political Instability in Africa: A Case Study of Lesotho
(University of Fort Hare, 2019) Moorosi, Mantsoaki; Ferim, Valery; Surname, Firstnames
The study sets out to investigate elections as drivers to political instability in Africa, using Lesotho as a case study from 2012 to 2017. It employs primary and secondary sources of data. The period is of interest for two reasons. Firstly, the continuing instability post three successive free and fair elections, and secondly, the advent of Coalition Governments. The structure adheres to two theoretical frameworks namely, a) Huntington’s two turn-over test and, b) Karl’s Fallacy of Electoralism. In order to investigate how elections could or could not be drivers to political instability, the researcher looked at the different forms of political instability in Lesotho. These include attempted coup d’état, assassinations and violation of territorial sovereignty. The later form being peculiar to the period under study as the other forms had occurred at some stage through the political history of this country. It further asserts uncertainty of hung Parliament and politicised institutions as attributes to the recurrence of political instability. It concludes that Lesotho is a deviant case from the two turn over test. The scope of the study supports the fallacy of electoralism. Several recommendations have been presented. These include that Government of Lesotho should amend the Constitution on the functions and powers of the King, Politicians should implement the promises they made to the electorates during campaigns, and regulate or abolish floor crossing in Parliament amongst others.
An Appraisal of South Africa’s Counter Terrorism Architecture Since 2001
(University of Fort Hare, 2019) Mato, Myalezo; Ferim, Valery B; Surname, Firstnames
The main aim of this study is to appraise South Africa’s counter-terrorism architecture since 2001. The period from 2001 is chosen because it marked the beginning of the global war on terror following the 9/11 attacks in the United States. The study employs both primary and secondary sources of data to achieve its objectives. Samuel Huntington’s Clash of Civilizations theory is used as a model in studying the possibility of the occurrence of terrorism in South Africa. The study found out that porous borders, lack of public trust in law enforcement agencies, corruption and other factors create fertile grounds for the outbreak of terrorism in South Africa. It also reveals some challenges that are faced by the South African counter-terrorism structures in their quest to combat and prevent terrorist activities in the country. The study recommends amongst others for the creation of a department of Border Management to properly manage the state of porous borders in South Africa as this is one of the main factors that may give rise to terrorism in the country.
South Africa-based diaspora movements and the pursuit of democratic consolidation in Zimbabwe
(University of Fort Hare, 2019) Ndlovu, Sitembiso Irene; Ferim, V.B; Surname, Firstnames
The study investigates South Africa-based Diaspora movements and their pursuit of democratic consolidation in Zimbabwe. The study is a qualitative one and made use of both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources included in-depth interviews, Facebook and Twitter posts, whilst secondary sources included textbooks and online journals. The study is premised on both the Political Process and Critical Theories. The study acknowledges that CSOs in general are important key players and have been identified as one of the major actors capable of helping in consolidating democracy. Zimbabwean Diaspora movements have been on the rise due to the mass exodus of its citizens to South Africa following economic collapse and civil strife in the country. The study found out that the civil society and political space in Zimbabwe is mired by partisan use of state security forces, repressive legislations, abuse of human rights and politicisation of the judicial system. These notwithstanding, the study reveals ZEF, CiZC and ZRYM have played their part in trying to consolidate democracy in Zimbabwe from their base in South Africa. They have employed various strategies and these include submitting petitions, advocacy and lobbying, partnerships and dialogues and making use of the Social media. Some of the breakthroughs recorded include educating Zimbabweans and disseminating information through social media, raising awareness and contributing to policy formation. The study, however, notes that apart from their achievements, they have also faced challenges like inadequate resources, xenophobia, leadership crises and donor fatigue. Key findings inferred that strategies used did not yield desired outcomes, and challenges faced made consolidating democracy in Zimbabwe a daunting task. The study recommends that partnerships between the Zimbabwean government and Diaspora movements need to be introduced and sustained in a way that catalyses a relationship where discussions can take place for democracy to be consolidated in Zimbabwe without any form of hostility from the government
The rise of populism in africa: the role of nativism in maintaining political power in South Africa and Zimbabwe
(University of Fort Hare, 2019) Chindoga , Melody; Johnson , P; Surname, Firstnames
ZANU-PF and ANC have been in power in their respective countries since the advent of democracy. However, the popularity of both the ANC and ZANU-PF has shifted from urban areas to rural areas, where their support bases are now concentrated (Clapham, 2012). Rural areas have benefitted the least from access to public resources and resource distribution yet despite this, they have provided the much needed support to both the ANC and ZANU-PF respectively. The politics of nativism has been used by the Zuma-led faction in the ANC and ZANUPF in maintaining political power in their respective domains in South Africa and Zimbabwe. Nativism has been identified as a form of populism that is used as a political strategy to gain and maintain political power. It arises from opposition to the mind-set of colonialism in the form of a ‘reverse discourse’ that seeks to undermine colonial ideas through the mobilisation of African culture and is reliant on cultivating opposition to a defined enemy. Therefore, the study seeks to investigate how the politics of nativism have been used by the Zuma-led faction in the ANC and by ZANUPF respectively to maintain power, by focusing particularly on their rural support bases. This study aligns itself with the broadly critical African perspective that is constituted by post-colonial theory and the accompanying oppositional canon of literature that is directly linked to the struggles against colonialism and oppression in former colonies, whilst also contesting contemporary representations of post-colonial societies emanating from those sources within which power resides. The study took the form of qualitative research, within which an interpretive approach was utilised to explore and to analyse the responses by inhabitants of two rural areas in South Africa and Zimbabwe to the nativist strategies and discourse constructed by the Zuma-led faction of the ANC and ZANU-PF respectively, contributing to the ongoing electoral support for these parties in rural areas. The research findings revealed that to maintain their popularity in rural areas, the nativist discourse of the Zuma-led faction of the ANC and ZANU-PF has exploited historical factors related to oppression and inhumane treatment by Whites. The research also established that nativist discourse was utilised in rural areas of South ii Africa and Zimbabwe with varying success. It resonated with the experiences of the older generation of White domination, whereas most of the younger generation could not relate to its heavy reliance on anti-White sentiment. Those under the age of 35, typically considered as the youth, did not identify with much of the discourse and were sceptical of its racist foundation, preferring instead change in political leadership in order for change to occur
Understanding the role of the media in Zimbabwe African Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) factional fights and the representations of the Lacoste faction in Zimbabwe public discourses
(University of Fort Hare, 2018) Mauswa, Desmond Tagara Tavengwa; Magure, Booker; Creator e.g. Surname, Name (no title or punctuation)
This thesis sought to critically examine the origins, nature and impact of ZANU PF factionalist tendencies and how a particular faction headed by former Vice President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa was represented in Zimbabwean public discourses. Drawing from comparative politics, history, media studies and Zimbabwean current affairs, this interdisciplinary narrative detailed how the new media played a central role in precipitating factional implosion in the liberation war based political party (ZANU PF). Clearly, ZANU PF internecine conflicts in and outside the state controlled and new media had far-reaching socio-economic and political ramifications as rival ZANU PF factions resorted to dirty strategies and tactics to try and weaken and outwit each other. These political machinations took the form of slandering, use of hate speech, dissemination of fake news, assassinations and poisoning among others. As the battle for factional supremacy raged on, the Zimbabwean economy continued on a downward spiral due to inter alia policy contradictions and uncertainty but at the end, November 2017 saw Mugabe being unexpectedly deposed in a coup after 37 years in power. This study went on to identify a number of factors that were working against Mugabe’s patient and heir apparent – Mnangagwa, as he sought to take over the reins of power. These included inter alia the presence and close proximity of the G40 faction linked to the first family but opposing the former vice president, his tainted political record as a result of his involvement in the Matabeleland massacre of the Ndebele ethnic group in the 1980s, allegedly masterminding and engineering electoral fraud in 2008 and having been Mugabe's right hand man for almost four decades. On the other hand, findings from this study suggest that Mnangagwa’s liberation war credentials and his close association with the military and the war veterans played a pivotal role in assisting him to land the presidency following Mugabe’s forced resignation or what was defined by many as a coup. While the Lacoste faction eventually prevailed over their G40 rivals, the study concluded that ZANU PF factionalism negatively impacted on governmental decisions, policies and systems and the aftermath of the military coup continues to pose serious challenges to Zimbabwe’s political future however defined.
The role of civil society organizations in the consolidation of democracy : cases from Cameroon and South Africa
(University of Fort Hare, 2018) Ayuk, Enu Rene; Ferim, Valery; Creator e.g. Surname, Name (no title or punctuation)
This study investigates the role played by civil society organizations in the consolidation of democracy. It is a comparative study between South Africa and Cameroon. This study utilizes the Habermasian critical theory of civil society which emanates from the liberal ideology of democracy. The objectives of the study were to look at the legislations regulating the operation of NGOs, the activities carried out to consolidate democracy and the challenges faced by these organizations in both South Africa and Cameroon. The qualitative method was used for data collection for the study. Interviews were carried out with NGOs officials and the data was analyzed using thematic analyses. The research found out that there is a liberal legislative framework governing the activities of NGOs in South Africa. On the other hand, though Cameroon laws on association seem liberal, a careful study of these laws revealed a concerted effort from the state to constrain the operation of NGOs. NGOs in South Africa carryout activities such as picketing, publicity stunts, human rights awareness campaigns, anti-corruption campaigns, lobbying of parliament, protests, mass mobilization and public interest litigation to consolidate democracy.In Cameroon, NGOs are involved in activities like strike actions, public protest, human rights and anti-corruption campaign as well as public interest litigation to consolidate democracy. However, South African NGOs face challenges like administrative bottlenecks, legal draws backs, sporadic hostility from the state, inadequate funding and lack of staff capacity. In Cameroon, NGOs faced the following challenges; restrictive legal framework, arbitrary arrests and detention of activists, financial constraints, lack of staff capacity, lack of infrastructure, corruption and internal divisions.
The role of South Africa as a hegemonic' power in the maintenance of peace and stability in the SADC region
(University of Fort Hare, 2016) Sibanda, Nkosiyaphi; Ferim, V; Creator e.g. Surname, Name (no title or punctuation)
This study investigates South Africa’s role as a hegemonic power in maintaining peace and stability in the SADC region. Using qualitative and secondary data supplemented with primary data, the study examines not only South Africa’s hegemonic role in the SADC region but also the challenges and critiques of South Africa’s hegemonic role in the region. The study implores the hegemonic stability theory and explores the features that qualify South Africa to be a regional hegemonic power. These include South Africa’s economic power, military power and strategic location. This study reveals that South Africa’s role in maintaining peace and stability in the region is informed by its foreign policy and its pursuit of national interest and protection of its borders. The study also found out that the motive behind South Africa being active in peacekeeping missions is that it avoids being surrounded by failed states which might have spillover effects into its territorial boundaries. The study notes that there are numerous shortcomings which taint South Africa’s hegemonic status. They include violent protests, xenophobia, racism, crime and corruption. The study recommends that South Africa needs to be proactive in solving the challenges within its domestic terrain as these shortcomings taint its hegemonic status.

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